時 間：2010年01月08日 晚上六點～九點半
地 點：東吳大學外雙溪校區第二教研大樓十樓
傅正研討室（D1002教室）
報告人：邱博詩（東吳大學政治系碩士班）
內 容：Thomas W. Pogge, “World poverty and human rights: cosmopolitan responsibilities and reforms” 2008 第八章 p.202~221
Ch.8 Eradicating Systemic Poverty: Brief for a Global Resources Dividend
8.0 Introduction
8.1 Radical inequality and our responsibility
一、Two ways of conceiving the global poverty as a moral challenge:
I. Fail to fulfill our “positive” duty to help persons in acute distress.
i. It’s easy to substantiate.
ii. Weaker and more discretionary moral reason
II. fail to fulfill our more stringent “negative” duty not to uphold injustice, not contribute to or profit from the unjust impoverishment of others.
i. Important for both of ourselves and the poor
二、What’s radical inequality?
①. The worse-off are very badly off in absolute terms.
②. They are also very badly off in relative terms – very much worse off than many others.
③. The inequality is impervious: it is difficult or impossible for the worse-off substantially to improve their lot; and most of the better-off never experience life at the bottom for even a few months and have no vivid idea of what it is like to live in that way.
④. The inequality is pervasive: it concerns not merely some aspects of life, such as the climate or access to natural beauty or high culture, but most aspects or all.
⑤. The inequality is avoidable: the better-off can improve the circumstances of the worse-off without becoming badly off themselves.
三、什麼情況下，上述的radical inequality被視為不正義，且違反了消極義務呢？
8.2 Three grounds of injustice
下列的三種途徑，分別代表了三種不同的政治哲學。但作者工作是在證成(1) 這三種途徑都說明了現存的極端貧窮既是不正義也是違反了消極義務；(2) 三種途徑都同意對現狀進行同一個可行的改革方案是邁向正義的步驟。
8.2.1 The effects of shared social institutions
⑥. There is a shared institutional order that is shaped by the better-off and imposed on the worse-off.
l A worldwide states systems based on internationally recognized territorial domain, interconnected through a global network of market trade and diplomacy.
l We affect the circumstances of the global poor through investments, loans, trade, bribes, military aid, sex tourism, culture exports, and much else.
=>the rules structuring international interactions foreseeable affect the incidence of extreme poverty.
⑦. This institutional order is implicated in the reproduction of radical inequality in that there is a feasible institutional alternative under which such severe and extensive poverty would not persist.
l The heavy focus on local factors encourages the illusion that they completely explain global poverty. This illusion conceals how profoundly local factors and their effects are influenced by the existing global order.
l The larger pattern of increasing global inequality is quite stable, reaching far back into the colonial era. The affluent countries have been using their power to shape the rules of the world economy according to their own interests.
⑧. The radical inequality cannot be traced to extra-social factors (such as genetic handicaps or natural disasters) which, as such, affect different human beings differentially.
l The root cause of the poor’s suffering is the abysmal social starting position which does not give them much of a chance to become anything but poor, vulnerable, and dependent.
The first approach can be presented in a consequentialist guise, as in Bentham, or in a contractualist guise, as in Rawls or Habermas.
8.2.2 Uncompensated exclusion from the use of natural resources
⑨. The better-off enjoy significant advantages in the use of a single natural resource base from whose benefits the worse-off are largely, and without compensation, excluded.
l Currently, appropriation of wealth from our planet is highly uneven.
l Lockean Proviso and the second-order proviso
l The global poor get to share the burdens resulting from the degradation of our natural environment while having to watch helplessly as the affluent distribute the planet’s abundant natural wealth amongst.
8.2.3 The effects of a common and violent history
⑩. The social starting positions of the worse-off and the better-off have emerged from a single historical process that was pervaded by massive, grievous wrongs.
l The present circumstances of the global poor are significantly shaped by a dramatic period of conquest and colonization, with severe oppression, enslavement, even genocide, through which the native institutions and cultures of four continents were destroyed or severely traumatized.
l We must not uphold extreme inequality in social starting positions when the allocation of these positions depends upon historical processes in which moral principles and legal rules were massively violated.
8.3 A moderate proposal
Pogge formulating his reform proposal in line with the second approach which narrows the field by suggesting a more specific idea: Those who make more extensive use of our planet’s resources should compensate those who, involuntarily, use very little.
A reform proposal, such as GRD, should be modesty (1) to gain the support necessary to implement it and (2) to be able to sustain itself in the world.
Quiet a small GRD may, in the context of a fair and open global market system, be sufficient continuously to balance those ordinary centrifugal tendencies of markets enough to forestall its reemergence, if radical inequality has once been eradicated.
To get a concrete sense of the magnitudes involved, maximal figure of 0.67 percent of the 2005 global product, or about $300 billion annually.
The GRD should (1) be easy to understand and to apply. It should be based on resources and pollutants whose extraction or discharge is easy to monitor or estimate. (2) Keep overall collection costs low. (3) Have only a small impact on the price of goods consumed to satisfy basic needs. (4) Be focused on resource uses whose discouragement is especially important for conservation and environmental protection. (5) Avoid any appearance of arrogant generosity.
The scheme for disbursing GRD funds: (1) Disbursement should be made pursuant to clear and straightforward general rules whose administration is cheap and transparent. (2) To give the government of any developing country clear and strong incentives toward eradicating domestic poverty, such as reward progress, political balance and so on.
Sometimes, the GRD would have to be backed by sanctions. But sanctions could be decentralized. Such a scheme of decentralized sanctions could work only so long as both the US and the EU continue to comply and continue to participate in the sanction mechanism.
8.4 The moral argument for the proposed reform
8.5 Is the reform proposal realistic?
How to generate the good will, especially on the part of the rich and mighty? How realistic is the hope of mobilizing such support?
I. It’s still important to insist the present global poverty manifests a grievous injustice according to Western normative political thought.
II. The hope is not so unrealistic after all. (i) Moral convictions can have real effects even in international politics. (ii) Eradicating would poverty through a scheme like the GRD also involves more realistic demands than a solution through private initiatives and conventional development aid.
III. The times when we could afford to ignore what goes on in the developing countries are over for good. (i) No states or group of states will be able effectively to insulate itself from external influences. (ii) The interest in peace is also an important moral interest.
8.6 Conclusion
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